|
Oh Barack. Dear, dear Barack. How do
I like thee? Let me count the ways...
Number one, you're a smoker! It seemed
barely credible, in these days of the New Health and with that practice
now barely legal, that one of ours could regain the world's most
powerful office. You, in your twenty-two month great adventure,
have proved yourself the most inspiring cigs-man since football's
Johann Cruyff. I thought of you as a pair of young women from my
local estate accosted me by the newsagent's last weekend and asked
me to do them a favour. 'Puff on these," I eased my conscience,
as I handed over the goods, "and you may become Barack one
day."
Smoking is not important, but I read
it as a sign, along with the other evidence - your one time dabblings
with drugs, your lingering relationships with radical former tutors,
your poker-playing, your liking of hip-hop and that clever, nuanced
TV show 'The Wire', that you are, basically, a hip, 'down', college
boy, a type that many millions around the globe get and have no
problem with. You're at the slightly naughtier end of that set,
to be sure - you are, in Jimi Hendrix's phrase 'experienced', but
that, as regards your role-model prospects, is even better. For
too long, the minority-thick, poorer communities of this hemisphere
have been swayed by the entertainers, by the street-educators of
Rap's capitalist classes, by the streets of many of their lives;
now there is blatantly another way, also achievable, also solvent,
also cool enough. You, your college-professor self and your equally-qualified,
wife, buttressed no doubt by the added authenticity that a country
with a long-time sizeable black middle-class furnishes you, and
that the rest of us in the west can only envy, have dramatically
raised the relevance and the leadership-potential for us black intellectuals,
black 'elites'. Now, both street and scholar have one excuse less.
I like you too because, though I've
had many issues with your party down the years (not least with the
one you're most often compared to, John F-didn't have the-balls-to-invite
friend Sammy Davis Jnr to his inauguration-Kennedy), as I have
with your nearest equivalents on our side of the pond, I've always
rather it was your lot than the others. I fancy I'll welcome your
foreign policy more than I did the Iraq-bombing Bush, indeed more
than I did the last Democratic incumbent, the Somalia-bombing, Rwanda-avoiding
Clinton. There seems to be a hope, as you'll know, in some parts
of the world that you will be somehow President-for Africa, President-for-the-south:
I do not expect that - you have to be America's President and act
in its interests, but I do expect more, because you are, as I say,
experienced.
Experience, inexperience. Funny things
...Some years ago, at one of our big literary festivals, Hay-on-Wye,
I had the pleasure of meeting one of your literary 'greats', the
late New Yorker Norman Mailer. Across a crowded 'Green Room', our
eyes met, as they will when one is the author of 'The White Negro'
and the other is the only black in the house. So, we spoke and although,
I'm embarrassed again to say I don't recall so much of it - Suzanne
Vega wafted across and I quite wanted her autograph - we did chat
about New York and I remember leaving with the distinct impression
that I - for all his New York talk down all these years - may have
seen more of that city than he because I had seen all his bits -
the Village, the upper East side, but he had seen little of some
of mine - the Flatbush Avenues, the Fort Greenes, the Bed-Stuys.
That black is so often discussed as if it's 'less' when in fact,
especially, I guess, at the elite end, it tends to be more.
You have that moreness in
spades, and that counts for so much in a country as insular and
as ethnically segregated as your own. With Hawaii, Indonesia, black
and white America and, crucially, Africa, you have a fair chunk
of the world in you. The Africa is key because it is likely to give
you, in the many racially-accented matters you will face, a difference
in spirit.
We Africans seem to have a milder take
on these things. Hard to say why it might be, except the fact that
our relationship with European masters was much briefer than the
hundreds of years for which black peoples were subjugated in the
Americas, during slavery, the plantations, and after. Our cultural
practices were less disrupted, our mass entry to the West more recent,
less traumatized on the whole. I'm sure you've noticed that subtle
but clear difference between say, an African-American gathering
and an Africans-in-America one, as I have between a British-Caribbean
gathering and a Brit-African one; between, dare I say it, you and
your African-American wife whose still-burning upset was apparent
when she said that now, for the first time in her adult life, she
was proud of her country. There is a deeper ease of spirit amongst
Africans of direct descent. I've increasingly suspected that it
would take an African or a biracial person, these who could to some
degree stand outside the heavy history of the Americas, to see beyond,
and make white America relax sufficiently for the game-changing
breakthrough. And it does fit so sweetly; the African returning
to America, but this time not in a slave hold; now the captain of
the ship.
That you have 'got beyond' is a tribute
to your vision and to what I really, really like about you. That
you are the first person to execute a near-perfect 'post-black'
campaign and, in so doing, solve the disconnect that has long plagued
minorities and the coalitions they have forged in the west.
Here is the problem: whites, as your
campaign has proved beyond doubt, don't like race, but we do. They
don't fully 'get' race, and this is particularly true in countries
like mine which, unlike yours, was not founded on race. Many western
whites do not even see themselves most of the time as being part
of a 'race', their race being the norm. For them, race is something
that happens to other people and when it does, it is something they
feel embarrassed or threatened by or defensive about or uncomfortable
with, or wary of or weary of or impatient with, and this is just
as true among the progressive whites with whom we have done most
of our dealings. The left love racism, my God, how they love racism
- the great proportion of black stories that get attention or get
commissioned are to do with or reduced to racism, the one black
story they can examine themselves in - but they don't truly respect
race; they see it, the stuff that still has to be done because of
it, as second-rate, parochial, temporary, something that all bright,
right-minded people surely wish to get beyond, so we can all be
happy, hanging together and having children who look a bit like
you.
Blame it on a commitment, to the universality
of man, I guess, plus their tendency, in concert with certain one-note
blacks, to always problematize race, but for most black people,
race is only a problem when it's racism. The rest of the time, race
and what goes with it is fine. It is normal, they understand, for
human beings to bond and racial-cultural bonding is one of the ways,
in which we do it. Race, for minorities, is mainly about resources.
Race is what has allowed a bunch of newly arrived, mainly illegal
Nigerian and Congolese immigrants to find a haven and job at my
north London barbers. One of them would have had a cousin who worked
there, and so he comes first cap in hand, and soon the word spreads
to his countrymen and then to fellow Africans. Race and culture
is what accounts for that shared-secret smile at that black party,
a hundred strong , when some rare groove tune comes on that their
parents had and that didn't make the charts. Race is what has made
90+ percent of African-Americans who turned out Tuesday vote for
you. Race is true.
In our post-Civil Rights, post-Windrush
period, when racism can no longer be relied upon to be the ring
to bind us all, this disconnect is now impacting in-house. We have
the emergence of our own black middle-class, still a relative sprinkle,
but many of them feel they're doing perfectly well thank you, and
race-as-problem has proved no hindrance in their careers; who feel
that racial calls are the refuge of the weaker ones, though race
may have fasttracked them, as it may have you. Or some like me who,
in various journeys through lands like yours and mine, hasn't seen
the amount of racism he might have expected if certain stories were
true, and so was not surprised at the scale of your victory yesterday;
who has seen, if anything, racial suspicion, usually diffused when
people meet and discover other matters to connect through. Still
others who are blacks-in-Britain but not part of a black community
they perceive as being too race-minded. And running beneath, the
coming thing, certainly in our neck of the woods - a nineties/ noughties
generation, less ideological, more materially-driven, more 'post-racial'
in aspiration. One more inclined to believe they can have it all
in a Leona Lewis-X-Factor, Olympics, inclusive Britain kind of way,
just as this big Britain has begun to turn the screws on what it
expects from its newer arrivals. Witness the numerous attacks we've
been having these last few years, stepped up since our 07/ 07, from
central government, from Trevor Phillips at the Equalities and Human
Rights Commission, to this year's UK Defence Report, on the dangers
and failures of multiculturalism, on the need for a revitalised,
more enforced sense of Britishness. It is seductive, this velvet-glove-in-toughish-fist
offer, not least because the alternative - our established, Civil-Rights-filtered
black British-approach, despite certain hype to the contrary, still
seems a thing that is failing too many; the many black youth underachieving
at school, the many black actors and directors still getting rusty
on British film sets (not). The answer, the likeliest route through
all these camps, all with their claims to legitimacy, could only
be 'Post-Black': in my Britain-oriented conception (because Britain
seemed most where it was needed), an acknowledgement that the race-centric
methods and philosophy we've employed for doing black culture since
the Windrush have had their time, and the search for more viable
alternatives and strategies that still have a progressive, pro-black
agenda.
I have been talking up 'Post-black'
for a while now, and I have to say nothing I've ever broached over
many years of public fora raises the hackles of black audiences
quicker. It's because they assume I mean 'post-racial', some neutered,
'sellout' thing (proof, if any were needed that, notwithstanding
our own youth-tendencies, the 'post-racial' lens through which white
commentators have seen you has been largely yet another race matter
in which whites are interrogating their own hopes and fears). But
it's not post-racial or even post-black really, I explain, just
post-this black, this present way of doing things. Our new approach
has to be more layered, has to speak to people who want to hear
different things. Layered in the way that yours was a campaign of
majority-targeted words, and quieter signs.
No, not post-racial, not just a one-stop-shop.
Better, newer than that - that much has been clear by the choices
you've made, the church you attended (and which person of colour
did not know someone, after 9-11, who said, like Reverend Wright,
that these were America's chickens coming home to roost?), and that
wonderful speech on race you then had need to give. You're more
this sweeping line in the sand. A hundred years ago, your African-American
forbear WEB Du Bois said that the problem of race, 'the colour line',
would define the 20th century. The 21st century's equivalent, for
black westerners at least, will be the line dividing those who are
race-centric and those who aren't.
This Post-Black era, now you've finally
got it up and running, will bring richer dividends, wider reach,
without doubt, to black artists, entrepreneurs and politicians alike,
certainly on our less-race battered, and less black-populated side
of the pond. It will mean some re-focus of energies, a change in
some of the debates we get engaged in. If Britain is more averse
now to a certain kind of black identity, to flesh out just one possibility,
then why not put ourselves at the forefront of the citizenship debates
that are currently of so much import to old and new Europe? After
all, us black Britons, with our newer, particular take on citizenship,
should have much to offer here that's useful to new others, or old
ones remaking themselves.. I feel a film coming on: a Pole , a black
Briton and a Romany, a wry , human comedy; funds from the big paymaster
that is the European Union... New coalitions, new self-identifications.
Any winning idea to win through must
have both economic and charismatic or 'dignity' appeal. You with
your charisma, the reasonableness that shines through you, and,
darn it, all that power, are the poster-boy we've been looking for.
I put a bet on you, Barack, a while
back at the start of your grand adventure, at lovely long odds,
to do the Double - the Democratic nomination then the presidency.
I only collected, you see, if both came through. So what can I say,
bro? You've not only done this mighty thing you've done, you've
solved a quiet, little, credit crunch too!
Luv ya,
Diran.
|
|
|
|